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of rapid direct deployment forces was not successful in the region because firstly, it was not able to contain the new revolutionary regime’s actions regarding U.S. interests in the region, as the diplomats of the U.S. embassy remained hostage for 444 days until the end of the Carter presidency. This was one of the main reasons why Carter failed to be elected for a second term as the United States president, a formal and routine practice with past American presidencies and also during the post-Carter period. The second reason was that the monarchy Arab states of the Persian Gulf region were also concerned about direct military presence of the United States in the region and so the sultanate of Oman was the only state that signed the military agreement with the U.S. to provide military facilities to the CENTCOM.
2. The Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan
One of the other reasons for the Carter Doctrine was the occupation of Afghanistan on December 27, 1979 by the USSR with approximately 100,000 soldiers (Collins, 1986). The Soviet occupation of Afghanistan caused counter actions by encouraging military and political involvement of other superpowers (U.S.) in the region and destabilized the region. In addition, the Islamic states of the region, including all six GCC States, could not accept the Marxist-Leninist doctrine that was against Islamic criteria, so the 43 members of ICO in the United Nations supported anti-Soviet resolutions (Arnold, 1985). The GCC states also responded against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan by accepting the presence of another superpower (U.S.) in the region to balance the power. In addition to the six GCC member states, Iraq also, despite its 1972 Cooperation Treaty with Moscow, was opposed to the Soviet occupation.
As we know, the Soviet Union’s withdrawal from Afghanistan was in 1989 and primarily because of Michael Gorbachev’s Glasnost and Perosterika open policies and the collapse of the Soviet Union just 10 years after the Carter Doctrine. Although the presence of SENTCOM forces in the Diego Garcia Island in the Indian Ocean was a challenge to the USSR regime in the region, these forces were never used against the Soviet regime in the region.
3. The Arab-Israeli Peace Process
The third reason for the Carter Doctrine was to support the Arab-Israeli Peace Process (Segev, 1995). Since the Arabs of the Middle East and especially the Arabs of GCC states has been considering Israel as a direct threat to their own security, they recognizes that their security was closely tied up with the Arab-Israeli Peace Process. There was however a contradiction between the GCC anti-Israeli policies and pro-US defense policies of the GCC countries that gave the U.S. a proper position in the region to support the Israeli regime.
On the one hand, the GCC members in their regular summit meeting within six months of its establishment declared their “support for an independent Palestinian State and the withdrawal of Israel from occupied territories” (Joseph Albert Kechichian, p. 474). For example, at the end of the Third GCC Summit meeting held in Manama, Bahrain, they remarked:
The Council […] renewed its belief that there is no way to achieving a just and durable peace in the Middle East except by the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab land including Jerusalem and the removal of all Zionist settlements which were erected and are being erected on occupied Arab land and the establishment of a Palestinian State on its national soil under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (Cooperation-Council-for-the-Arab-States-of-the-Gulf, November 11, 1982).
There could be three main reasons why the GCC states did not take any practical action in the Arab-Israeli conflict: First, the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 and the war between Iran and Iraq in 1980 caused the GCC states to be concerned about of the security of the Persian Gulf region. Second, the Arab countries of the Middle East and especially Arabs of the GCC states did not have enough necessary military forces and armament against the Israeli regime. Third, the GCC member states also did not have the political capability to pressure the United States into not supporting the Israeli regime in the region.
Although the US support of the Israeli regime from its establishment in 1947 has been a golden key of American Middle East policies, history shows that these supporting policies have been confronted by so many challenges from Islamic and Arabic countries in the world and especially in the region. One of the Carter Doctrine’s aims also was preventing the Israeli regime from any external aggression, especially from revolutionary Iran, but in practice it did not succeed to pressure Iran from supporting indirectly by financial and military aims the Jihadist groups in Lebanon and the occupied territories of Palestine.
4.4 Evaluation of the Regan Doctrine
Ronald Wilson Reagan (February 6, 1911 – June 5, 2004) was the 40th President of the United States (1981–89). During the Reagan presidency there were three main policy regarding to the Persian Gulf region:
A) Threat of the ex Soviet Union: The main concern of Ronald Reagan administration was the Soviet Union’s determination to extend its influence abroad through military pressure and communist-instigated revolutions. In this regard, During the first Reagan term the Soviet Union was called as an “evil empire” (Nuechterlein, 1990). The main policy of Ronald Reagan presidency that was related to the Persian Gulf region was continuous occupation of Afghanistan by Soviet forces in the Carter administration in 1979.
Reagan shifted his policy toward the Soviet Union in his second term because of two main reasons: First, after his first meeting with Gorbachev in 1985, he was persuaded that Moscow was prepared to make major concessions in order to bring about a detente in East-West relations. Second, re-election of Reagan in November 1984 persuaded him that he could take the political risk of moving away from the anti-Soviet policy of his first term and negotiate a meaningful nuclear arms reduction agreement.
The main policy of Reagan for containing the Soviet Union was “National Security Decision Directive (NSDD)” which Reagan approved on January 17, 1983.this policy was as the intellectual framework for a non-nuclear offensive policy and affirmed that the established goal was containing and reversing Soviet expansionism and added that the United States should compete on a sustained basis with the Soviet Union in all international arenas (Pach, 2006). In 1982 and early 1983, three secret National Security Decision Directives (NSDDs) were held: “NSDD-32 proclaimed that it was U.S. policy to “neutralize” Soviet control of Eastern Europe by supporting underground movements against the Communist regimes; NSDD-66 in 1982 outlined a strategy of economic warfare against the Soviet regime and in fact it represented, in the words of its principal author, “a secret declaration of economic war on the Soviet Union” (Schweizer, 1996), while NSDD-75 declared roll-back of Soviet influence around the world, and ultimately a change in the Soviet system itself, to be a key U.S. policy objective (Busch, 1997). The main objective of NSDD 75 was to help democratic movements and forces and effect political change in developing nations that had aligned with Moscow by active efforts. In this regards, high priority went to exerting maximum pressure for Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. Later in March 1985, Reagan signed NSDD 166, that its goal was defeating the Soviets in Afghanistan. According to the NSDD 166, US not only increased the flow of arms to the mujahideen but also provided Stinger surface-to-air missiles to them (Pach, p. 82).
B) Supporting the Iraqi regime during the Iran Iraq war: Encountering the Iran-Iraq war was second major U.S. policy in Reagan administration era in the Persian Gulf region. The US, while was seeking to prevent Iranian victory in the war, has sought to minimize any Soviet political gains in Iran (Entessar, 1988). On the whole, the Iraqi imposed war against Iran provided opportunities for Reagan to expand its military influence in the region. For example Iraq steady moved away from the USSR and towards Washington and its allies for military purchases. The first US protection policy toward Iraq was removing Iraq from the US black list of countries supporting international terrorism in 1982. In this regard, the United States extended some two billion dollar credits and $500 million in loans.
C) Harassment of Persian Gulf shipping: Re flagging and Supporting Iraqi and other Arab state’s oil tankers in the Persian Gulf in 1987 was another major direct military policy of Reagan administration in the Persian Gulf during Iran Iraq war that was called “tankers war”. The Iranian decision to bombardment the Kuwaiti oil tankers come back to Kuwaitis vast support to Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war. Despite Kuwait’s declared neutrality in the Iran-Iraq war, but the Kuwaiti regime involved in direct financing of the Iraqi war efforts and also a major transshipment point for Iraqi-bound materials and also providing Iraq’s energy needs in its war with Iran. In this regards, the Iranian leadership began to view Kuwait as an active ally of Iraq and Iran adopted a policy of responding in kind to every Iraqi attack on Iranian ships. So, Kuwait sought protection for its ships from outside powers and president Reagan, In his press conference of 27 May 1987, called upon the “barbaric country” of Iran to not interfere with Gulf shipping (Entessar, p. 1442).
Some analysts (Nuechterlein, 1990) believe that harassment of Persian Gulf shipping persuaded Revolutionary Iran in 1988 to stop its war with Iraq. He believes that “if the United States had not sent thirty or so warships to the Gulf in 1987 to keep the sea lanes free from Iranian attacks, Iranian

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